Political consultants merge pan-Armenian idea with legitimization of occupation

The history of the Karabakh conflict is shrouded in numerous myths, some of which are linked to meaningful dates. Every year on September 2, the leadership of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh regime solemnly celebrates 'Independence Day', which is de facto another anniversary of the occupation of Azerbaijani territories.

The Armenian government welcomes the occupation, not missing the opportunity to once again depict the Armenian aggression as a "righteous struggle". In this regard, incumbent Armenian President Armen Sarkisyan distinguished himself, by explaining the aggression as "the Armenian people's centuries-old desire for freedom." Based on this statement, it turns out that it is the occupation of Karabakh and the seven surrounding districts that will serve in the future as the foundation of Armenian statehood, a strong and combat-ready army, but it's unclear which specific future this refers to.

Over time, many Armenian politicians have ceased to perceive the Karabakh conflict as an international catastrophe. Gradually, Yerevan's policy was reduced to the groundless demonization of Azerbaijan. Although Armenian political scientists try to circumvent sharp corners, mentioning no names, the image of Baku is often presented as a threat in this man-made reality.

The main acquisition of Armenian propaganda was the fear spreading throughout society, which is actively sustained through broadcasting expressive historical fragments or gloomy modern story lines. This leads to shifts in public consciousness: the new Armenian culture does not recognize the right of neighboring cultures to life in the form that does not suit Armenian nationalists.

Armenia's political consultants are actively working in the direction of merging the pan-Armenian idea with the topic of legitimizing the occupation. Wanting to "bull through" the recognition of the self-proclaimed regime, the Armenian political elite increasingly speaks of the Karabakh conflict in their public statements as a triumph of the Armenian nation. Last Monday, Armenia's ex-president Serzh Sargsyan said: "September 2 is a pan-Armenian holiday, a symbol of national solidarity that every year rallies Armenians worldwide." The accents made by the Armenian ex-president can be perceived as another attempt to delay the negotiation process, filling it with political demagogy, despite the fact that Sargsyan is no longer part of it. Such an attempt looks like Yerevan's political speculation in order to strengthen its position, significantly limiting mediators in advancing the negotiation process.

The heroization of the Karabakh war occupies a significant share of Armenia's information space, but in the issue of justifying aggression, Armenian ideologists cannot substantiate the thesis of a "liberation struggle." The fact is that the chronology of more than a quarter century of conflict confirms the thesis that no person, no nation can be perfect. To achieve peace, it is necessary to jointly distribute available resources, possibly multiplying them. However, the situation represented in the Armenian media ignores it in every way.

There are two topics in Armenia that attract everybody's attention: the chronic fight against corruption and the Karabakh conflict. Modern Armenian ideology has learned to manipulate existing social problems. For this reason, the average Armenian citizen has long been accustomed to see interests of business leaders or criminal authorities was behind the loud bravado of energetic and assertive politicians.