Governmental program of Ivanishvili
Read on the website Vestnik KavkazaAuthor: Georgi Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi, exclusively to VK
Ivanishvili's government has begun work. Ministers have occupied the rooms of their predecessors. In some places, these processes provoked things, and in others everything passed without any hitch. If the ex-Foreign Minister Gregory Vashadze met the new minister Maya Panjikidze at the door of the ministry building and even had a picture of them taken, the new Minister of Culture Guram Odisharia did not find its former owner Nicku Rurua in the building. By the way, Rurua is known for being the initiator of the opening in Tbilisi of the Museum of Soviet Occupation and the transfer of the famous monument of Stalin from the central square of Gori to the museum of the "great leader." However, this museum has also been transformed into the Museum of the Victims of Stalin's Terror. Apparently, a former minister, one of the closest associates of President Saakashvili, believes that Odisharia intends to return Georgia to "the terrible abyss of Soviet culture." So his absence in the ministry was arranged as a political move.
Overall, however, the handover went smoothly. Ivanishvili's government has received all the levers of power to implement the program "For a united, strong and democratic Georgia." That was the name of the document submitted to the Parliament when the new Cabinet was approved. By law, the parliament expressed its confidence not only in the personal composition of the cabinet but also in the program of development.
What is a program with such a great name? It can be divided into three parts.
The first one is institutional and legal reforms.
The final transformation of Georgia from a presidential to a parliamentary republic;
ensuring the independence of the judiciary;
automatic rejection of the summation of terms of imprisonment upon conviction (when for three episodes of stolen non-ferrous metal wires someone convicted could get 24 years in prison);
changing practices of procedural agreements, that is, strengthening the role of the defense at the trial, so that the defendant has a choice between a real review of the case and an agreement with the prosecution;
giving influence to local self-government - the transfer to the municipalities of many functions previously assigned to the competence of central government and the establishment of legal guarantees of judicial independence.
The second point is foreign policy.
Ivanishvili said that the strategic goal of the country to join NATO and the EU remained unchanged. He believes the U.S. is the main ally of Georgia and intends to develop relations with Washington under the Charter of Strategic Cooperation conceived during the presidency of George W. Bush but finally drawn up in early 2009 - that is, under the administration of Barack Obama.
At the same time, the new government is ready to "resume dialogue with Russia", but actively work on the "de-occupation" of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, trying "to find a common ground with the Abkhazians and Ossetians," and pay particular attention to regional policy - relations with Azerbaijan and Armenia - so that Georgia, the prime minister said, "will become the focus of the interests and aspirations of the Caucasus."
The third point of the agenda is socio-economic issues and the implementation of the election promises of the "Georgian Dream" coalition.
Apparently, the government seriously intends to raise pensions to a living wage, that is, from the current 75 to 120 dollars, and reduce the cost for utilities. When deputies from the pro-presidential party United National Movement asked Ivanishvili how he planned to finance budgetary commitments, large by local standards, the prime minister bluntly said that he was ready to allocate money from his own funds. Ivanishvili's fortune is estimated to be 7.6 billion dollars. But in the next fiscal year covering all expenses would require an additional 2 billion with a total budget of $4 billion. Ivanishvili if necessary is going to spend money from his own pockets, and there is no reason to doubt that he will keep his word.
However, many economists have been sounding the alarm, indicating that the growth of social transfers (this is not just about pensions, but also general health insurance and many other issues) could jeopardize macroeconomic stability and, in particular, the Georgian currency - GEL. Skeptics wonder why a billionaire is willing to spend money on the social needs of the population, but does not intend to invest any money in the real economy - for example, a bailout of the construction sector that can become a "locomotive" for many other industries and create tens of thousands of jobs. An employed person in the Caucasus is a safety net for his family, including elderly parents. It is much more productive and smarter than any increase in pensions, the more so because this approach does not lead to the growth of "inflationary pressure on the currency" and risks to macroeconomic stability.
Ivanishvili promises to return Georgian products to the Russian market and to continue to work with the United States on signing a free trade agreement. The Prime Minister considers it necessary to legislate for the inviolability of private property and encouraging investment. Judging by some passages of the program, he is ready to insure foreign investment at least from political risk and use his enormous capital for these purposes.
Bidzina Ivanishvili is creating a fund of agricultural subsidies of a billion dollars. According to experts, this is a completely useless measure for Georgia with its cultural characteristics. But there is no doubt that the fund will use his personal "savings" because there are no such funds in the state budget.
The most remarkable thing is as follows: Ivanishvili declares he will need 18 months for such an ambitious program. He intends to leave the post of prime minister after a year and a half and is unlikely to leave not having fulfilled the promises, that is, not bringing the matter to an end.