Abkhazia: a test-tube crisis-2

Spartak Zhidkov, Abkhazia. Exclusively to VK

On April 29, the Control Chamber was established, which, however, was headed not by a representative of the opposition, but by 39-year-old officer Robert Arshba who held for several years important positions in the Ministry of Finance and Administration of the President. His candidacy was supported by 30 out of 35 deputies, including the opposition. The latter claims credit for the creation of the Chamber of Control, which was mentioned in the list of requirements at the March meeting. However, Ankvab simply put on the back burner most of the other requirements – first of all, because most of them relate to the redistribution of powers between the President and the Parliament (for the latter) and could not be adopted by the President.

In addition, some of the ideas of the opposition, set to the background of successfully developing Russian-Abkhaz cooperation, seem to be somewhat exotic. To protect national treasures, Raul Khajimba offers "to inventory them and denationalize them in the interest of the people of Abkhazia, by their incorporation and transfer to citizens, leaving a blocking stake for the state. As a result, every citizen of Abkhazia, regardless of age and social status, will receive an ownership stake worth tens of thousands of dollars. "

The inventory is also included in the list of requirements of 17 points presented by the government at the meeting on March 11.

The President’s answer to the demands of the opposition was announced on March 28 by the head of information department under the President, Christian Bzhaniya,, and this response blindsided not only the opposition but also the liberal intelligentsia, whose representatives have already started to make fun of the president or to demand immediate reforms. (Various political groups in Abkhazia mean quite different concepts saying the word "reform"). The paper refuted all the allegations of the opposition, but not even the arguments of the President but the style of his response made an impression on society. The difference between the opposition’s ultimatum which was full of eloquence and dispassionate business text of the presidential office built on the legal wording and numerous figures was evident. Ankvab’s reply sobered many waverers, and a wave of criticism faded down.

In spite of the determination of the opposition leaders, already it is clear that the opposition, even united, is unable to shake the positions of Ankvab. Recently there has been a new trend: the radical opposition is seeking a rapprochement with certain factions within the ranks of the "Amtsakhara" movement and "United Abkhazia" party, which, in 2004, played an important role in the defeat of Khajimba and the elevation of Ankvab. The goal is to break off from pro-government organizations different groups, if not the union ones then at least neutral ones.

The leaders of "Amtsakhara" have already promoted the idea of converting the movement of veterans into a party, and the Abkhazian cities hosted the regional conference of the movement which elected delegates to the congress. Apparently, the mood in the strongest organization of veterans of the Georgian-Abkhaz war has not changed. Acting Chairman of the Board "Amtsakhara", Hero of Abkhazia Harry Samanba expressed his opinion in no uncertain terms: "Today Abkhazia, which has gained freedom and become independent, is preparing to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the victory in the war with the Georgian aggressor. But there are those who are trying to escalate the situation. Abkhazia today is a democratic country, where the civil society is developed, and there are different parties and movements. But, unfortunately, some people do not use this democracy and freedom of speech. This is evidenced by the recent events related to the conduct of meetings, where people are insulting the elected president and members of the Cabinet. And all this is done purposefully. "

As for the "United Abkhazia", its congress, scheduled for May 25, should clarify the position of the leadership and the majority of its activists. The defeat of the party in the parliamentary elections in 2012 stimulated within the "United Abkhazia" processes that can give it new strength but may also lead to a split. Characteristically, another opposition rally is scheduled for three days earlier.

Thus, the spring activity of the radical opposition, as expected, led not to the surrendering of the president but to the increase in the number of players on the political field. Besides the Parliament, a forum for discussion is the Public Chamber, which shows the opposition; it is a stabilizing organ, and during the recent demonstrations it acted as an intermediary. On the other hand, the attacks of the opposition press did not miss the leadership of the Public Chamber; thus, the opposition did not improve their image in this structure. All this makes it difficult to create a wide anti-presidential coalition.

To be continued