From crime to politics?

Who can give a new tone to the process over the attack in Nalchik in October 2005?

By Sergey Yusupov

 

This autumn will mark the 9th anniversary of the attack by armed militants on the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria. The trial of the people responsible has been continuing for years. The process is one of the most high-scale in Russia, both in terms of suspects and the number of tomes the prosecutors have. 35 police officers and soldiers, 14 civilians and 92 attackers were killed in a clash in Nalchik on October 13, 2005. 129 police officers and 66 civilians were injured. Statistics may vary. Militants attacked buildings of the Interior Ministry, the FSB of Kabardino-Balkaria, the Kabardino-Balkarian Directorate of the Russian Federal Penitentiary Service, the Police Department of Nalchik and other law enforcement centers and organizations. Property of legal bodies and individuals worth over 54.8 million rubles was damaged. 52 suspects remain detained. Some suspects were released with travel restrictions. They are all suspected of terrorism, banditry, organizing and taking part in an armed revolt, membership of an organized criminal group, murder and attempts to murder law enforcers.

Thousands of pages in the mass media have been dedicated to the motives, reasons, chronology, repercussions and trial, so there is hardly any point in repeating what has already been said. Some human rights non-commercial organizations and mass media are trying to position themselves as protectors of justice in the case. Throughout the process, they manipulate facts and circumstances, change the meaning of obvious and undoubted terms, speculate on mercy, engage in demagogy and explicit frauds. There are examples. Among the reasons mentioned as the cause of the attack by the armed militants, some name “infringement of the rights of religious feelings of Muslims.” Faithful Muslims in this context are Salafi groups settled in Kabardino-Balkaria and promoting the ideology of “pure Islam.” Thus, all other followers of Islam are automatically labeled as non-Muslims, Kafirs. The armed attack on Kafirs is explained as expression of religious outrage! Some lists of Salafis made by the law enforcers are allegedly a worthy contribution to the armed standoff. Shamil Basayev, the executioner of Budennovsk, an odious terrorist, inspirer and head of the Kabardino-Balkarian underground resistance, is automatically put in the ranks of “knights without fear and blemish.”

It is common knowledge that, on October 11, two days before the attack on Nalchik, the leaders of the attack and Basayev had a meeting in a forest near Kenzhe. Later, he took responsibility for the attack on the Kabardino-Balkarian capital. No one claims that the government and heads of law enforcers are the ideal example of wisdom. There will unfortunately be mistakes, flaws, lack of competence and professionalism at all times. But justifying the criminals and the merciless murders of dozens of people is beyond any cynicism.

This is reminiscent of the case of the Primorsky Krai “guerillas”, who were depicted as “Robin Hoods” by some media sources and human rights organizations. As a result, over half of the population of Primorsky Krai (according to social polls) sympathized with the thieves and murderers. The fact is that not all the victims of the Primorsky bandits were police officers.

But back to the Nalchik case. The public is being convinced that the law enforcers are trying to prevent them from praying at detention centers. If there are any instances of physical abuse they should be checked. But the speculations are obvious. Coverage of the trial by some information resources is turning into discrediting of authoritative, judicial and surveillance structures. One media source made a special section for that. The number of materials is reaching 53 publications, their names alone take up 7 pages. Here are some of the headlines: “Anti-state accusations”; “Wardens solve career problems?”; “Who is to judge?”; “Nalchik: a trial or mockery of the law?”

They are biased, one-sided, partisan covers to discredit the court. The trial has been long indeed. The case is complicated, scrupulous and voluminous. The goal is to create no obstacles for the investigation. Lawyers are doing their work. Human rights activists are monitoring respect of the rights of the suspects. Relatives of the suspects are trying to make their lives easier.

But when another side interferes and the suspects are publicly declared prisoners of conscience pressurized for their religious beliefs, when personal things described in testimonies of the suspects become targets of speculation, it is no protection of human rights or journalism. It is manipulation of conscience. The residents of Kabardino-Balkaria are well-informed about the case and their conscience is hard to manipulate.

Irony is only acceptable in the light of an article published by the Memorial resource. People are under trial for grave crimes. Most of them have admitted guilt. And suddenly a campaign starts to make the suspects heroes and political prisoners. Such advances are only made before the sentencing. The sentence has already been labeled as unjust, though it has not been passed. Speculations about the conditions and necessities of the detained are another problem. The complaints concern discomfort and restrictions on relatives to bring the suspects food.

It is not a resort, it is detention. Such is the reality. Suddenly Norway’s Breivik appears, who killed 77 and injured 151 people. He is now serving time in a cell with an area of 24 square meters, three rooms. He is allowed to communicate, have walks in the inner yard under surveillance. He has a computer, Internet, games. He complains that he does not like the temperature of the butter he is served in the morning. So why would the Nalchik attack suspects have worse treatment?

Another example is Kulayev, the only terrorist who survived the Beslan school attack. He was shivering and shaking, weeping with fear when he was caught. He got used to detention afterwards. He started complaining about his rights, showing insolence and provocatively denying his guilt. Should he be called a political convict too?

Victor Pelevin’s cult novel “Generation P” has a worthy idea that the world is not what it is in reality, it is what the media make of it. It seems that some do-gooders and provocateurs of journalism cannot sleep peacefully with that idea. There is the law. Its enforcement needs legal methods. Methods to put pressure on the court are illegal. It is not protection of human rights or fair journalism. It is speculation with provocative goals.

It should be understood that speculation cannot be benevolent. It always presupposes profit for the one who activates the mechanism. You make the conclusions.

Who can give a new tone to the process over the attack in Nalchik in October 2005?By Sergey YusupovThis autumn will mark the 9th anniversary of the attack by armed militants on the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria. The trial of the people responsible has been continuing for years. The process is one of the most high-scale in Russia, both in terms of suspects and the number of tomes the prosecutors have. 35 police officers and soldiers, 14 civilians and 92 attackers were killed in a clash in Nalchik on October 13, 2005. 129 police officers and 66 civilians were injured. Statistics may vary. Militants attacked buildings of the Interior Ministry, the FSB of Kabardino-Balkaria, the Kabardino-Balkarian Directorate of the Russian Federal Penitentiary Service, the Police Department of Nalchik and other law enforcement centers and organizations. Property of legal bodies and individuals worth over 54.8 million rubles was damaged. 52 suspects remain detained. Some suspects were released with travel restrictions. They are all suspected of terrorism, banditry, organizing and taking part in an armed revolt, membership of an organized criminal group, murder and attempts to murder law enforcers.Thousands of pages in the mass media have been dedicated to the motives, reasons, chronology, repercussions and trial, so there is hardly any point in repeating what has already been said. Some human rights non-commercial organizations and mass media are trying to position themselves as protectors of justice in the case. Throughout the process, they manipulate facts and circumstances, change the meaning of obvious and undoubted terms, speculate on mercy, engage in demagogy and explicit frauds. There are examples. Among the reasons mentioned as the cause of the attack by the armed militants, some name “infringement of the rights of religious feelings of Muslims.” Faithful Muslims in this context are Salafi groups settled in Kabardino-Balkaria and promoting the ideology of “pure Islam.” Thus, all other followers of Islam are automatically labeled as non-Muslims, Kafirs. The armed attack on Kafirs is explained as expression of religious outrage! Some lists of Salafis made by the law enforcers are allegedly a worthy contribution to the armed standoff. Shamil Basayev, the executioner of Budennovsk, an odious terrorist, inspirer and head of the Kabardino-Balkarian underground resistance, is automatically put in the ranks of “knights without fear and blemish.”It is common knowledge that, on October 11, two days before the attack on Nalchik, the leaders of the attack and Basayev had a meeting in a forest near Kenzhe. Later, he took responsibility for the attack on the Kabardino-Balkarian capital. No one claims that the government and heads of law enforcers are the ideal example of wisdom. There will unfortunately be mistakes, flaws, lack of competence and professionalism at all times. But justifying the criminals and the merciless murders of dozens of people is beyond any cynicism.This is reminiscent of the case of the Primorsky Krai “guerillas”, who were depicted as “Robin Hoods” by some media sources and human rights organizations. As a result, over half of the population of Primorsky Krai (according to social polls) sympathized with the thieves and murderers. The fact is that not all the victims of the Primorsky bandits were police officers.But back to the Nalchik case. The public is being convinced that the law enforcers are trying to prevent them from praying at detention centers. If there are any instances of physical abuse they should be checked. But the speculations are obvious. Coverage of the trial by some information resources is turning into discrediting of authoritative, judicial and surveillance structures. One media source made a special section for that. The number of materials is reaching 53 publications, their names alone take up 7 pages. Here are some of the headlines: “Anti-state accusations”; “Wardens solve career problems?”; “Who is to judge?”; “Nalchik: a trial or mockery of the law?”They are biased, one-sided, partisan covers to discredit the court. The trial has been long indeed. The case is complicated, scrupulous and voluminous. The goal is to create no obstacles for the investigation. Lawyers are doing their work. Human rights activists are monitoring respect of the rights of the suspects. Relatives of the suspects are trying to make their lives easier.But when another side interferes and the suspects are publicly declared prisoners of conscience pressurized for their religious beliefs, when personal things described in testimonies of the suspects become targets of speculation, it is no protection of human rights or journalism. It is manipulation of conscience. The residents of Kabardino-Balkaria are well-informed about the case and their conscience is hard to manipulate.Irony is only acceptable in the light of an article published by the Memorial resource. People are under trial for grave crimes. Most of them have admitted guilt. And suddenly a campaign starts to make the suspects heroes and political prisoners. Such advances are only made before the sentencing. The sentence has already been labeled as unjust, though it has not been passed. Speculations about the conditions and necessities of the detained are another problem. The complaints concern discomfort and restrictions on relatives to bring the suspects food.It is not a resort, it is detention. Such is the reality. Suddenly Norway’s Breivik appears, who killed 77 and injured 151 people. He is now serving time in a cell with an area of 24 square meters, three rooms. He is allowed to communicate, have walks in the inner yard under surveillance. He has a computer, Internet, games. He complains that he does not like the temperature of the butter he is served in the morning. So why would the Nalchik attack suspects have worse treatment?Another example is Kulayev, the only terrorist who survived the Beslan school attack. He was shivering and shaking, weeping with fear when he was caught. He got used to detention afterwards. He started complaining about his rights, showing insolence and provocatively denying his guilt. Should he be called a political convict too?Victor Pelevin’s cult novel “Generation P” has a worthy idea that the world is not what it is in reality, it is what the media make of it. It seems that some do-gooders and provocateurs of journalism cannot sleep peacefully with that idea. There is the law. Its enforcement needs legal methods. Methods to put pressure on the court are illegal. It is not protection of human rights or fair journalism. It is speculation with provocative goals.It should be understood that speculation cannot be benevolent. It always presupposes profit for the one who activates the mechanism. You make the conclusio