Georgian Muslims outraged by incident in Adjara

By Georgy Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively for Vestnik Kavkaza

 

In Kobuleti, where everyone was expected to enjoy their vacations, have fun and do business in the days of the mellow season, the population remains stirred up over an outrageous incident that happened at a house in which the local Muslim community was planning to open a madrasa, when a pig's head was nailed to its door.

It seems that it was done by people who have been protesting against the opening of a Muslim school for children, claiming that the government of the Adjara Autonomy had not given permission for it. Nonetheless, the form of the protest could not be left without a grievance. Not only was the Georgian Muslim community of Adjara shocked, everyone understood the risks of such acts.

Nothing like it has ever happened in Adjara or any other regions of Georgia, and suddenly people following one of the world religions were insulted in such a form. A peculiar circumstance deserves attention in this context: Georgian mass media have hardly covered the event, despite its high potential for conflict and the danger of Muslim protests growing into something more serious. Just a year ago, the media covered a story in detail about an incident in Chela (Samtskhe-Javakheti Region, where the Christian community spoke out against the construction of a minaret for a mosque built by settlers from Adjara).

Such indifference is probably associated with an editing policy to play the incident down. The policy is a reaction to the authorities’ request not to make a fuss over it. But the real situation does not get any less hot and explosive nonetheless.

Jemal Paksadze, the head of the Muslim organization in Georgia, commented on the incident in Kobuleti as “an expression of poor education and an offence against the religious feelings of citizens.” “I ask the prime minister of Georgia, the speaker of parliament and officials of law enforcers to react to the fact in a timely manner to prevent an aggravation of the situation,” noted Paksadze. Archil Khabadze, the head of the Adjara Autonomy, called the act “disgraceful” and asked the central authorities of the country to start a scrupulous investigation.

Khabadze is a Christian who emphasizes his religious identity at any possible moment. For example, on Epiphany he swims in the sea in a t-shirt with a picture of the Holy Mother on it in front of TV cameras. Nonetheless, he understands the role of Islam in Adjara well, the majority of the population there follows that religion. The head of the Cabinet is always sensitive to the Muslim community. However, he does not have the authority to restore the Aziziye Mosque, burnt down in Batumi during Soviet times, or open another madrasah.

Within a few days of the incident it became clear that the central and religious authorities were trying to balance the moods of communities. A criminal case was indeed initiated, but studies were not started into clear instances of “inciting religious or ethnic hatred.” Instead, the case was qualified as a “threat to life and health.” Judging by that, there were many threats to the owner of the house where local Muslims were planning to open the madrasah. Even if the police find the ones who threatened him by telephone, they will get months of arrest, a fine or community work.

Meanwhile, opponents of the madrasah opening are organizing protests almost every day and blocked the Batumi-Kobuleti road once, paralyzing traffic for hours. Some activists are mere victims of propaganda. For many years, madrasahs and other Muslim centers were presented as a source of religious fanatics and even terrorism. The problem in Adjara is deeper. It concerns religious differences of the same ethnic community: Georgian Muslims and Georgian Christians still cannot reach a “social pact” regarding their civic identity. The government, as a political elite, cannot offer anything to reach the “historic agreement.”

On the contrary, take the flag with five crosses (simply the flag of Medieval crusaders), for example. It was declared the state flag after the Rose Revolution where the majority of the population has been following Islam, not being simply “a community of Muslim emigrants,” like in Denmark or Norway with their “crusade flags.”

Tbilisi cannot find formula for common civil identity of Muslim and Christian communitiesBy Georgy Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively for Vestnik KavkazaIn Kobuleti, where everyone was expected to enjoy their vacations, have fun and do business in the days of the mellow season, the population remains stirred up over an outrageous incident that happened at a house in which the local Muslim community was planning to open a madrasa, when a pig's head was nailed to its door.It seems that it was done by people who have been protesting against the opening of a Muslim school for children, claiming that the government of the Adjara Autonomy had not given permission for it. Nonetheless, the form of the protest could not be left without a grievance. Not only was the Georgian Muslim community of Adjara shocked, everyone understood the risks of such acts.Nothing like it has ever happened in Adjara or any other regions of Georgia, and suddenly people following one of the world religions were insulted in such a form. A peculiar circumstance deserves attention in this context: Georgian mass media have hardly covered the event, despite its high potential for conflict and the danger of Muslim protests growing into something more serious. Just a year ago, the media covered a story in detail about an incident in Chela (Samtskhe-Javakheti Region, where the Christian community spoke out against the construction of a minaret for a mosque built by settlers from Adjara).Such indifference is probably associated with an editing policy to play the incident down. The policy is a reaction to the authorities’ request not to make a fuss over it. But the real situation does not get any less hot and explosive nonetheless.Jemal Paksadze, the head of the Muslim organization in Georgia, commented on the incident in Kobuleti as “an expression of poor education and an offence against the religious feelings of citizens.” “I ask the prime minister of Georgia, the speaker of parliament and officials of law enforcers to react to the fact in a timely manner to prevent an aggravation of the situation,” noted Paksadze. Archil Khabadze, the head of the Adjara Autonomy, called the act “disgraceful” and asked the central authorities of the country to start a scrupulous investigation.Khabadze is a Christian who emphasizes his religious identity at any possible moment. For example, on Epiphany he swims in the sea in a t-shirt with a picture of the Holy Mother on it in front of TV cameras. Nonetheless, he understands the role of Islam in Adjara well, the majority of the population there follows that religion. The head of the Cabinet is always sensitive to the Muslim community. However, he does not have the authority to restore the Aziziye Mosque, burnt down in Batumi during Soviet times, or open another madrasah.Within a few days of the incident it became clear that the central and religious authorities were trying to balance the moods of communities. A criminal case was indeed initiated, but studies were not started into clear instances of “inciting religious or ethnic hatred.” Instead, the case was qualified as a “threat to life and health.” Judging by that, there were many threats to the owner of the house where local Muslims were planning to open the madrasah. Even if the police find the ones who threatened him by telephone, they will get months of arrest, a fine or community work.Meanwhile, opponents of the madrasah opening are organizing protests almost every day and blocked the Batumi-Kobuleti road once, paralyzing traffic for hours. Some activists are mere victims of propaganda. For many years, madrasahs and other Muslim centers were presented as a source of religious fanatics and even terrorism. The problem in Adjara is deeper. It concerns religious differences of the same ethnic community: Georgian Muslims and Georgian Christians still cannot reach a “social pact” regarding their civic identity. The government, as a political elite, cannot offer anything to reach the “historic agreement.”On the contrary, take the flag with five crosses (simply the flag of Medieval crusaders), for example. It was declared the state flag after the Rose Revolution where the majority of the population has been following Islam, not being simply “a community of Muslim emigrants,” like in Denmark or Norway with their “crusade flag