What could contacts between Russian and Kazakhstani nationalists entail?

The Tverskoi Court of Moscow put Alexander Belov (Potkin), the leader of the nationalistic organization Russkiye, under house arrest last week for allegedly stealing the assets of BTA-Bank (Bank TuranAlem). Mukhtar Ablyazov, an ex-head of BTA, an ex-minister for energy, industry and trade of Kazakhstan, who was arrested in France, remains the main suspect in the theft of $5 billion. Experts are growing suspicious over such intense cooperation between the Kazakhstani and Russian ultranationalists. Ablyazov positioned himself as part of the liberal democratic circles. Andrey Grozin, the head of the section for Central Asia and Kazakhstan at the Institute of CIS Countries, has explained why an oligarch and functionary needed the services of Belov and the relations between the Russian and Kazakhstani nationalists.

- Is Potkin’s case evidence of cooperation between Kazakhstani and Russian ultranationalists?

- Connections between Kazakhstani oppositionists and Russian nationalists have been seen earlier. About half a year ago there was a scandal which was unnoticed in Russia but which stirred up Kazakhstan due to the narrowness of the opposition, the narrowness of the political field. Young radical nationalist Zhanbolat Mamay was accused of close contacts with Russian nationalists with ultraradical views. At the time there was a lot of talk about alleged provocations, but there are facts that have been proven.

Moreover, the acquaintance was revealed not with some anonymous Russian nationalists but with Mr. Potkin himself. Mamay made a statement then that he had no business with Potkin, on the contrary, that he was subject to deliberate bullying. Then Mamay actually changed his position and admitted that he was acquainted with Potkin, they talked in 2012, but the talks were not of an obligatory nature. As a result, the case was soft-pedaled. It has been found out now that Belov-Potkin was acquainted with Mukhtar Ablyazov.

There is a similar situation in Russia and Kazakhstan. Opponents of the ultraliberal, ultrademocratic circle started having contacts with ultranationalists, with far right-wing views that is, since the Bolotnya times. In Kazakhstan, the opposition that considers itself liberal, democratic, pro-American, to which Mikhar Ablyazov belongs, is trying to find contacts with radicals of any kind.

Mukhtar Ablyazov has now become the main opponent of Akorda, the official government. It is not Rakhat Aliyev or Victor Khrapunov serving time in Switzerland, it was Mukhtar Kabulovich. Astana is making enormous efforts to extradite him, and the case is being heard in a French court. The fact that Belov appeared in the case is more evidence of a common trend: the excesses are interlocked. It appears that, even independently of the integration associations of which Russia and Kazakhstan are a part, the same figures are flashing through the political field, similar trends are demonstrated.

- What relations do Kazakhstani and Russian nationalists have?

- I would not exaggerate the danger of specific individuals such as Mukhtar Ablyazov, Potkin or someone else. Everyone knows that Potkin is an oppositionist, a cardboard nationalist. Another case is that all those comrades should not actually be underestimated for one simple reason. The world is transforming geopolitically, we see that even paper structures, like, let’s say, the Hong Kong Student Union, can shake the situation, can create a threat to stability even in such a strong and powerful country as China, in certain circumstances, if they get serious foreign resources.

In this aspect, the interlocking of Kazakhstani nationalists and Kazakhstani liberals with Russian nationalists, maybe with Russian liberals may be dangerous. In unfavourable circumstances and with an attentive and careful treatment from foreign sponsors, even such cardboard movements, figures and unions can actually play the role of a spark, a catalyst, capable of shaking the situation. It's not been possible so far, but we see that they are trying to do it the way they did in 2012 and 2013.

Asks Andrey GrozinThe Tverskoi Court of Moscow put Alexander Belov (Potkin), the leader of the nationalistic organization Russkiye, under house arrest last week for allegedly stealing the assets of BTA-Bank (Bank TuranAlem). Mukhtar Ablyazov, an ex-head of BTA, an ex-minister for energy, industry and trade of Kazakhstan, who was arrested in France, remains the main suspect in the theft of $5 billion. Experts are growing suspicious over such intense cooperation between the Kazakhstani and Russian ultranationalists. Ablyazov positioned himself as part of the liberal democratic circles. Andrey Grozin, the head of the section for Central Asia and Kazakhstan at the Institute of CIS Countries, has explained why an oligarch and functionary needed the services of Belov and the relations between the Russian and Kazakhstani nationalists.- Is Potkin’s case evidence of cooperation between Kazakhstani and Russian ultranationalists?- Connections between Kazakhstani oppositionists and Russian nationalists have been seen earlier. About half a year ago there was a scandal which was unnoticed in Russia but which stirred up Kazakhstan due to the narrowness of the opposition, the narrowness of the political field. Young radical nationalist Zhanbolat Mamay was accused of close contacts with Russian nationalists with ultraradical views. At the time there was a lot of talk about alleged provocations, but there are facts that have been proven.Moreover, the acquaintance was revealed not with some anonymous Russian nationalists but with Mr. Potkin himself. Mamay made a statement then that he had no business with Potkin, on the contrary, that he was subject to deliberate bullying. Then Mamay actually changed his position and admitted that he was acquainted with Potkin, they talked in 2012, but the talks were not of an obligatory nature. As a result, the case was soft-pedaled. It has been found out now that Belov-Potkin was acquainted with Mukhtar Ablyazov.There is a similar situation in Russia and Kazakhstan. Opponents of the ultraliberal, ultrademocratic circle started having contacts with ultranationalists, with far right-wing views that is, since the Bolotnya times. In Kazakhstan, the opposition that considers itself liberal, democratic, pro-American, to which Mikhar Ablyazov belongs, is trying to find contacts with radicals of any kind.Mukhtar Ablyazov has now become the main opponent of Akorda, the official government. It is not Rakhat Aliyev or Victor Khrapunov serving time in Switzerland, it was Mukhtar Kabulovich. Astana is making enormous efforts to extradite him, and the case is being heard in a French court. The fact that Belov appeared in the case is more evidence of a common trend: the excesses are interlocked. It appears that, even independently of the integration associations of which Russia and Kazakhstan are a part, the same figures are flashing through the political field, similar trends are demonstrated.- What relations do Kazakhstani and Russian nationalists have?- I would not exaggerate the danger of specific individuals such as Mukhtar Ablyazov, Potkin or someone else. Everyone knows that Potkin is an oppositionist, a cardboard nationalist. Another case is that all those comrades should not actually be underestimated for one simple reason. The world is transforming geopolitically, we see that even paper structures, like, let’s say, the Hong Kong Student Union, can shake the situation, can create a threat to stability even in such a strong and powerful country as China, in certain circumstances, if they get serious foreign resources.In this aspect, the interlocking of Kazakhstani nationalists and Kazakhstani liberals with Russian nationalists, maybe with Russian liberals may be dangerous. In unfavourable circumstances and with an attentive and careful treatment from foreign sponsors, even such cardboard movements, figures and unions can actually play the role of a spark, a catalyst, capable of shaking the situation. It's not been possible so far, but we see that they are trying to do it the way they did in 2012 and 201