Roses Revolution raised to power the new generation of politicians in Georgia. The point is not only in age of this generation, but also in social background. The main lesson from the transformation was destroying of the myth on absence of alternative to “the hierarchic system” of state machine human resources. Such system is not relevant in the context of democracy and the market economy.
Experience of Georgian reforms shows: young people, which might be considered “accidental upstarts” in the old system, have brought more benefits for the country than experienced bureaucrats, who have passed all stages of administrative hierarchy.
An average age of a contemporary Georgian official is 28 years. Majority of ministers are under 35. In the old hierarchic system they would vegetate playing supporting roles in the bureaucratic machine, headed by an experienced administrator, who is not able to make decisions if they demand imitativeness.
Who can imagine that 30-year-old Veronika Kobalia, whose administrative experience included working at her father’s bakery only, would be more successful Minister of Economy than her predecessors?
The brightest example is Premier of Georgia Nika Gilauri. The young ministers demonstrate skills and talents of conducting reforms and finding solutions for difficult problems, while Nika Gilauri in addition demonstrates his talent of governmental playing, which seems to be impossible for his social formation: the current head of the government was appointed to the position as “dummy Premier.”
Gilauri is a politician, whom experts call “nonelected.” Not because such politicians are hated or unpopular, but because nobody can imagine such people have political ambitions. However, Georgian Premier is managed to possess great authority in the political circles, influence all significant processes and conduct painful reforms without becoming a target for hatred of the protesting part of the society. Gilauri is called “a man, who knows what he’s doing.”
In 2003 a man, who has never taken any positions (except a position of the consultant on financing in several companies), headed the most problematic ministry in the country, the Ministry of Energy. In short terms Gilauri was managed to modernize the system, improve cooperation between participants of the energy market, attract investment and make Georgia energy exporter, while it was its importer only.
However, the most important decision and success by Gilauri was his far-seeing decision in 2004, when Russian-Georgian relations were full of hopes. It was a decision not by a politician, but a business manager, who proposed modernization of all communications connecting Georgia and Azerbaijan. Gilauri had enough political instinct and talent to foresee tension between Moscow and Tbilisi and inevitable using of energy leverages of pressure by Moscow.
In 2006 Georgia said “Good bye!” to Gazprom and shifted to Azerbaijani gas.
On February 6th, 2009, the president appointed Gilauri Prime Minister. He has never commented on Russian embargo, but has diversified Georgian economy and re-directed major business to other markets. He proposed an original idea of letting Georgian insurance companies and major chemist’s shop nets construction of minor hospitals in the country’s regions. Now annually hospitals for 30-50 patients are opened in province. The government maintains stable GDP growth and the level of inflation despite the world financing crisis.
Gilauri is not annoying, nobody considers him a grey figure behind the president. However, Gilauri has ambitions and self-confidence. Due to combination of rarely combined features (significant influence on policy and absence of political ambitions) Nika Gilauri will be demanded in any government despite the decision, which the current president will have to make on his political future.
Georgy Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively to VK
