Niche of absolute intransigence

Niche of absolute intransigence


President Saakashvili said that the young Georgian state had withstood three tsunamis.

It would seem that during his last speech in parliament, an annual report on the situation in the country, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili spoke about economics much more than about politics. But if we read the report more carefully, it will become clear that in fact it was one of the most uncompromising (from the Russian-Georgian relationship point of view) of his speeches during the whole period of his presidency.

The president invited to parliament for his speech such people as politicians Valeria Novodvorskaya and Konstantin Borovskiy, journalists Oleg Panfilov, ex- Putin advisor Andrei Illarionov and Soviet-era dissident Vladimir Bukovsky. Cooperation with these people gives Saakashvili an opportunity to say that he is not against the Russians, but against the Kremlin, repeating a well-known idea about “two Russias”.

Nevertheless in the main issues, the president, as before, shows intolerance. He “thanked” Moscow for introducing an embargo on Georgian products in 2006, saying it had promoted the diversity of Georgian exports, adding that, “If earlier we supplied mandarins and wine only to Russia, now we are supplying them to tens of countries all over the world. Russia, against its wishes, promoted our development and the strengthening of our independence.”

According to the chief of state, “in spite of the invasion of a great, merciless and powerful enemy, the slump in the Georgian economy hit only 3%, whereas many countries in the world that faced the economic crisis saw tens of percentage points.”

 The president divided responsibility for the 3 percent decline in the Georgian economy between the world economic crisis, Russia, and the Georgian opposition, which held mass protest rallies from April until June, “frightening domestic and foreign investors”.

Saakashvili is convinced that in August, 2008 the Russian aim was not only the final tearing away of Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia but also the collapse of Georgian statehood. But, he said, “Our young state withstood three tsunamis – aggression, the worldwide economic crisis and the irresponsible actions of the opposition”.

On his opponents who are trying to establish dialogue with Moscow, Saakashvili was especially harsh: “Of course, the enemies of freedom will always be able to find betrayers who are ready to run to them and lick their boots, washed with the blood of enslaved nations.”

The president meant not only ex-premier Zurab Nogaideli who met Vladimir Putin and signed a treaty of bipartisanship with Duma speaker Boris Gryzlov. Recently the Georgian mass media has reported that in March an entire delegation of opposition leaders will go to Moscow.

Many observers in Tbilisi suppose that Saakashvili’s unwillingness to compromise is forced by external circumstance, because when Moscow refuses to deal with him and begins a dialogue with the radical opposition, the only niche which can be occupied by the president is the niche of absolute intransigence.

However, taking into account the emotionality of the perception of Georgian society and most political leaders of the events of August, 2008 (which are already becoming a part of national myth) and the acknowledgement of the impossibility of the return of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to Georgia, the position occupied by Saakashvili isn’t so hopeless. The West rendered and goes on rendering Georgia massive (for the size of the country) financial support to the amount of 4.5 billion dollars. This is a serious recourse for the removal of social stress. In addition, Saakashvili has declared a 50% reduction in military expenditure, at once giving to understand that he supposes that the military way of resolving this problem is finished and he intends to concentrate on the resolving of social problems and on decreasing of “election possibilities” of the pro-Russian opposition.


Georgy Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively for VK.

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