The ruling party in Georgia – the United National Movement (UNM) – is called “the state party”, meaning the one-party system that appeared after the dissolution of the USSR in the majority of the post-Soviet republics. The ruling party traditionally grows together with bureaucracy and elites, including all the resources and leverages of influence. Such a party always is focused on its leader, who combines the party operations and the top state position.
In 1995 Edward Shevardnadze established the Union of Georgian Citizens, which defeated its rivals at parliamentary elections and formed a majority in the parliament. The opposition was represented by the party Renaissance, headed by Aslan Abashidze. It was also “a state party”, but it grew together not with central, but with regional bureaucracy and local elites. In 2001, when the young minister of justice, the former head of the parliamentary faction of the Union of Citizens, Mikhail Saakashvili, announced his resignation and move to the opposition, many people predicted the establishment of a new kind of party. Actually, the team of “young reformers” attracted liberal intellectuals, non-governmental organizations, “new Georgians”, i.e. representatives of an alternative elite. But history demonstrated another example of sad irony: the “new Georgians” and the “alternative elite” appeared to be “children” of the Soviet elite. Only boyish courage and absolute confidence in the reality and justice of their project for the country’s development were new.
Saakashvili invited to his movement a right-of-center party of dissidents of the Soviet epoch and liberal intellectuals, as well as moderate nationalists from the supporters of the first president of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, under whom Georgia pronounced its independence.
The term “national” was used by the new leader in a European sense – as the definition of a party which aims to establish a mono-national state. At the parliamentary elections on November 2nd 2003, the UNM gained 17% of the vote, giving way only to the Union of Citizens (22%) and Renaissance (19%). However, the number of votes meant less than real influence and hopes became connected with the team of young reformers headed by Saakashvili. The new leader accused Shevardnadze of falsification of the elections. On November 22nd 2003, power was seized by the UNM and in February 2004 the features of a new “state party” began to appear. Presidential functions were extended by constitutional amendments.
The “nationalists” referred to the fact that the country needed radical reforms, and “strong power” was necessary for it. There has been no lack of reforms in recent years. It is interesting that both the Republicans and “ethnic nationalists” of Gamsakhurdia's times left the UNM during the reforms. The ruling party gained a constitutional majority in the parliament and in all regions of the country, including Adzharia.
However, the West couldn’t accept an absence of alternatives to those in power. European politicians always asked Saakashvili: “If you are a democracy, why are there no opposition governors in the regions? How can a country be called democratic, if power hasn’t ever been changed by elections there?” It is a serious question. The Arab spring proved that Western support is not guaranteed even for its most devoted allies in case of long-term continuation of power. And Georgia means much less to Western society than Egypt, for instance. That is why the UNM decided to correct its political system: Saakashvili signalled that he is ready to leave in 2013, and the functions of parliament were extended. The election barrier was lowered from 7 to 5 per cent. In theory, this should have led to a pluralistic system.
However, social mentality cannot be changed by constitutional amendments: the electorate seeks “a strong hand.” Thus, ahead of the parliamentary elections, the UNM is ahead of its main rival – the Georgian Dream of Ivanishvili. Of course, the election process can correct the results of elections: the majority of voters haven’t made up their mind. But the current situation doesn’t promise a change of the power.
