Spartak Zhidkov, Sukhumi. Exclusively to VK
For several months after the parliamentary elections, Abkhazia was living in the past. However, the summer of 2012 differs from summer of 2011 when elections posters decorated roads, and many journalists floated Sukhumi. Today Abkhazia is much quitter and calmer, and majority of guests are tourists. At the moment their security is not at a high level, but it is growing. The police patrols on the esplanade are a common scene. However, Abkhazia doesn’t sleep, including politics.
The stiff fight of candidates and parties lasted from summer 2009 to spring 2012 will influence life of the republic for a long time. On the one hand, power division has ended. It was slightly corrected during the repeat elections in three election districts: the first Sukhumi (May 6), the 21st Baslat (June 3), and the 26th Chlouss (July 22). Reasons for repeat elections were different. In first situation the supporter of President, Roland Gamgia, was a leader, but Khadzhimbist Daur Achugba insisted on more accurate counting of votes. It appeared that voter turnout didn’t reach 25%, thus, the results should be canceled. During the new election campaign a new player, businessman Beslan Eshba, appeared surprisingly. In 2011 he was one of the key persons in the election headquarters of Sergey Shamba. It was he who won those elections. In the 21st Baslat district Bagapshist Aida Ashuba took the first place with more than 50% of votes. Ashuba’s leadership was obvious, but the repeat elections led to the opposite result: victory was celebrated by Valery Kvarchia, one of Khadzhimba supporters.
The third situation is unusual: in March 2012 the opposition activist Temur Logua won the elections in the 26th Chlouss district, but on May 26 he was found dead in his flat in Moscow. This time businessman Beslan Butba, leader of Economic Development Party, decided to be a candidate in this district. Butba is a centrist, he has many times cooperated with the authorities and stood against it. Even though he didn’t manage to won the elections in the first round, he left behind the pro-governmental candidate Beslan Tarba.
Therefore, in all three districts the opposition won the elections. Some supporters of President were confused and dissatisfied that power didn’t try to influence decisions of the Central Election Commission. However, Alexander Ankvab always emphasizes his distance and non-intervention to a voting process, even if it threatens him by various problems. From the point of view of “the jungle law,” this tactics is no-win because his rivals won’t be so nice. However, in regard of tactics this line is right, as only it can provide President with respect of electorate who made his choice in August 2011.
Ankvab’s firm positions are obvious even for the opposition. In spring the opposition activists were glad with their successes in several districts in the parliamentary elections. But today few of them share revanchist views. Everybody understands that if the Abkhazian opposition stays within constitutional limits, they cannot shake Ankvab’s power. Extension of the opposition faction by two deputies is an insignificant argument. Simple and constitutional majority in the parliament belongs to deputies who have no intention to conflict with President. However, Khadzhibbists and Shambists have gained a tribune for voicing their claims officially. First of all, it concerns some agreements between Abkhazia and Russia which the opposition doesn’t like.
Nevertheless, it seems opposition remembers experience of 2010 when after re-election of Sergey Bagapsh to the presidential position the Abkhazian capital was shaken by various scandals. Russian-Abkhazian relations were in front: negotiations with Moscow on the “arguable” village of Aibga and closing of military resorts of RMFN and MMD in Sukhumi. The opposition sent its claims to President, and journalists demanded official comments from the authorities. However, the elections of 2011 showed that none of scandals influenced population’s choice.
At the same time, Alexander Ankvab decided to clarify his relations with new parliament and the mass media. President’s rivals hoped that he wouldn’t agree with deputies or journalists. And Ankvab didn’t communicate with the mass media and argue against opponents in the new parliament. But during one week he met with PMs at first (July 17), and then gave a three-hour press conference (July 19). The meeting with PMs took place behind closed doors, but the opposition PM Akhra Bzhania published his own notes on the discussion. These notes show that sharp questions were posed by the opposition deputies. President answered all questions. Even if PMs were not satisfied with answer, they didn’t try to turn the discussion into a skirmish.
Later President communicated with journalists. It became obvious that Ankvab would focus not only on struggle against crime, but also on environmental and architectural heritage preservation which would be very popular among the population. The press conference itself proved that new President won’t distance from communication with journalists.
