By Georgy Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively for Vestnik Kavkaza
Where else in the CIS space (which Georgia left in 2008, yet mentally remains part of) could the Prosecutor General’s Office and the Interior Ministry dare publicly disagree with the president and even reproach him for making unjustified statements? Probably in Georgia, where the scandal over the publication of correspondence between the Prosecutor General’s Office and the president has been going on for days.
On July 12, the Prosecutor General’s Office sent a confidential letter to the Presidential Administration, requesting declassification of documents on ex-President Mikheil Saakashvili’s spending of money of the State Security Service Fund. Members of the ruling Georgian Dream coalition insist that the president was giving expensive necklaces to his favourites, having Botox injections to remove wrinkles on his face and having fun at Dubai bars with his supporters at the expense of the country’s budget.
Prosecutors consider such actions (especially gifts to young female members of parliament of the United National Movement) a waste of state funds. It would be the third criminal case initiated against the ex-president. The first two were opened for beating MP Valery Gelashvili, who insulted Saakashvili’s wife Sandra Roelofs, and for the crackdown on the opposition on November 7, 2007.
Pressing charges requires declassification of documents. Otherwise, the investigation and trial would be impossible. Only President Georgy Margvelashvili is authorized to declassify them. He responded to both the first and the second letter received on August 6 with a refusal. Then prosecutors decided to publish their letters to the Presidential Administration, accusing the president of sabotaging the investigation into the criminal case against the ex-president.
Only after that did Margvelashvili sign a decree declassifying documents on state security. He asked the Interior Ministry to punish the prosecutors who published the correspondence, because it was confidential and evidently classified.
The president called the conduct of the prosecutors “outrageous.” The Prosecutor General’s Office and the Interior Ministry said that the published information was not a secret. Lawyers and members of non-commercial organizations argue who is right in the discussion, the president or the two main law-enforcing structures. All sides have their legal arguments, lawyers can give arguments based on different interpretations of constitutional and legislative norms without stopping.
What matters is the political side. The Prosecutor General’s Office and the Interior Ministry in Georgia are under the prime minister’s control. He is the one to appoint and dismiss their authorities. Bureaucrats of all levels can easily feel the struggle between the president and the prime minister. The struggle can be seen in all aspects: from granting foreigners citizenship to signing the EU Association Agreement.
The prime minister keeps weakening the president’s authority with the help of the parliament. The head of state cannot respond. When Georgy Margvelashvili agreed to move to the Avlabar Palace built by ex-President Saakashvili, despite his pre-electoral promises, the true head of the country billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili was outraged. The outrage was Ivanishvili’s permission to stop playing with the president and make harsh responses to any criticism.
Margvelashvili had to make concessions, he did declassify the documents, despite being unwilling to do so. Why he was so reluctant in the first place is a different question. Maybe it is a matter of solidarity with his predecessor or understanding what a burden the presidency can be in Georgia.
The president and the prime minister argue over who is the bigger bossBy Georgy Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively for Vestnik KavkazaWhere else in the CIS space (which Georgia left in 2008, yet mentally remains part of) could the Prosecutor General’s Office and the Interior Ministry dare publicly disagree with the president and even reproach him for making unjustified statements? Probably in Georgia, where the scandal over the publication of correspondence between the Prosecutor General’s Office and the president has been going on for days.On July 12, the Prosecutor General’s Office sent a confidential letter to the Presidential Administration, requesting declassification of documents on ex-President Mikheil Saakashvili’s spending of money of the State Security Service Fund. Members of the ruling Georgian Dream coalition insist that the president was giving expensive necklaces to his favourites, having Botox injections to remove wrinkles on his face and having fun at Dubai bars with his supporters at the expense of the country’s budget.Prosecutors consider such actions (especially gifts to young female members of parliament of the United National Movement) a waste of state funds. It would be the third criminal case initiated against the ex-president. The first two were opened for beating MP Valery Gelashvili, who insulted Saakashvili’s wife Sandra Roelofs, and for the crackdown on the opposition on November 7, 2007.Pressing charges requires declassification of documents. Otherwise, the investigation and trial would be impossible. Only President Georgy Margvelashvili is authorized to declassify them. He responded to both the first and the second letter received on August 6 with a refusal. Then prosecutors decided to publish their letters to the Presidential Administration, accusing the president of sabotaging the investigation into the criminal case against the ex-president.Only after that did Margvelashvili sign a decree declassifying documents on state security. He asked the Interior Ministry to punish the prosecutors who published the correspondence, because it was confidential and evidently classified.The president called the conduct of the prosecutors “outrageous.” The Prosecutor General’s Office and the Interior Ministry said that the published information was not a secret. Lawyers and members of non-commercial organizations argue who is right in the discussion, the president or the two main law-enforcing structures. All sides have their legal arguments, lawyers can give arguments based on different interpretations of constitutional and legislative norms without stopping.What matters is the political side. The Prosecutor General’s Office and the Interior Ministry in Georgia are under the prime minister’s control. He is the one to appoint and dismiss their authorities. Bureaucrats of all levels can easily feel the struggle between the president and the prime minister. The struggle can be seen in all aspects: from granting foreigners citizenship to signing the EU Association Agreement.The prime minister keeps weakening the president’s authority with the help of the parliament. The head of state cannot respond. When Georgy Margvelashvili agreed to move to the Avlabar Palace built by ex-President Saakashvili, despite his pre-electoral promises, the true head of the country billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili was outraged. The outrage was Ivanishvili’s permission to stop playing with the president and make harsh responses to any criticism.Margvelashvili had to make concessions, he did declassify the documents, despite being unwilling to do so. Why he was so reluctant in the first place is a different question. Maybe it is a matter of solidarity with his predecessor or understanding what a burden the presidency can be in Geor
